July 30, 2025

Casten, 92 House Democrats Demand Oversight Into Humanitarian Efforts in Gaza Amid Starvation Crisis

Washington, D.C. — U.S. Congressman Sean Casten (IL-06) led 92 House Democrats in a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio demanding an investigation into the ownership structure and operation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a private, unqualified U.S.-linked aid organization at the center of the worsening starvation and humanitarian crisis in Gaza.

A copy of the letter can be found here.

GHF is a U.S.-linked aid organization with no prior experience in humanitarian aid and operates under opaque funding arrangements. GHF received a $30 million grant from the State Department, despite significant internal objections from USAID officials that the group’s funding plan failed to meet the “minimum technical or budgetary standards.” In their letter, the lawmakers criticize the organization’s lack of qualifications, noting that neither of the private firms contracted by GHF to manage distribution sites in Gaza has prior experience in humanitarian work, nor does GHF Executive Chairman Johnnie Moore, who is a close ally of President Donald Trump.

“We have serious concerns with the operations of GHF, a newly established, private, U.S.-linked organization with no prior humanitarian experience, and the possibility that it could become the sole or primary aid provider in Gaza,” the lawmakers wrote. “...Providing secure and efficient humanitarian assistance to Palestinians is not only a moral obligation—it is also vital to Israel’s long-term security and the safe return of Israeli hostages. Enhancing aid operations is essential to stabilizing the region and achieving lasting peace.”

In July 2025, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, a panel developed by the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization, issued a report warning that “the worst-case scenario of Famine is currently playing out in the Gaza Strip.” Netanyahu’s blockade and GHF’s dangerously mismanaged aid sites are directly contributing to the starvation crisis.

The lawmakers also expressed concern regarding disturbing violence at GHF distribution sites, where flawed distribution methods have caused mass panic and mass casualties.

GHF operates only four aid distribution sites in Gaza using a reckless first-come, first-served model that has resulted in deadly chaos. At least 1,000 Palestinians have reportedly been killed while attempting to access aid near GHF sites, with reports describing Israeli soldiers and U.S. contractors opening fire on desperate civilians. One former contractor said he was instructed to “shoot to kill and ask questions later.”

“Instead of using traditional aid distribution methods, based on internationally agreed-upon humanitarian principles, GHF provides food on a first-come, first-served basis,” the lawmakers continued. “As a result, when centers open, large crowds of Palestinians rush to the centers. In these situations, there appear to be few restrictions on the use of lethal force by Israeli soldiers and American contractors in the vicinity.”

In addition to Rep. Casten, the letter was signed by Amo, Gabe; Ansari, Yassamin; Balint, Becca; Barragán, Nanette; Bera, Ami; Bonamici, Suzanne; Brownley, Julia; Brown, Shontel; Carbajal, Salud; Carson, André; Carter, Troy; Castro, Joaquin; Chu, Judy; Cleaver, Emanuel; Cohen, Steve; Courtney, Joe; Craig, Angie; Crow, Jason; Davis, Danny; Dean, Madeleine; DeGette, Diana; DeLauro, Rosa; Deluzio, Christopher; DeSaulnier, Mark; Dexter, Maxine; Dingell, Debbie; Doggett, Lloyd; Escobar, Veronica; Fields, Cleo; Foster, Bill; Foushee, Valerie; Frost, Maxwell; Garcia, Robert; Garcia, Sylvia; Green, Al; Harder, Josh; Hayes, Jahana; Houlahan, Chrissy; Hoyle, Val; Huffman, Jared; Jackson, Jonathan; Jacobs, Sara; Johnson, Henry; Kaptur, Marcy; Keating, William; Kelly, Robin; Khanna, Ro; Larsen, Rick; Larson, John; Leger Fernandez, Teresa; Lofgren, Zoe; Lynch, Stephen; Magaziner, Seth; Matsui, Doris; McBride, Sarah; McClellan, Jennifer; McCollum, Betty; McGovern, James; Moore, Gwen; Mullin, Kevin; Nadler, Jerrold; Norton, Eleanor; Ocasio-Cortez, Alexandria; Panetta, Jimmy; Pappas, Chris; Pelosi, Nancy; Pettersen, Brittany; Pingree, Chellie; Pocan, Mark; Pressley, Ayanna; Quigley, Mike; Randall, Emily; Ruiz, Raul; Salinas, Andrea; Schakowsky, Janice; Schrier, Kim; Scott, Robert; Smith, Adam; Sorensen, Eric; Stansbury, Melanie; Swalwell, Eric; Takano, Mark; Thompson, Bennie; Thompson, Mike; Tokuda, Jill; Tonko, Paul; Trahan, Lori; Underwood, Lauren; Vasquez, Gabe; Velázquez, Nydia; Watson Coleman, Bonnie; and Williams, Nikema.

A copy of the letter can be found here. Text of the letter can be found below.

Dear Secretary Rubio:

As supporters of a strong U.S.-Israel relationship and advocates for humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza, we write to seek clarity on the ownership structure and operation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF).

More than two million people in Gaza currently face “critical levels” of hunger. We welcome efforts to facilitate the entry of humanitarian aid and share the objective of ensuring that Hamas does not divert such aid. However, we have serious concerns with the operations of GHF, a newly established, private, U.S.-linked organization with no prior humanitarian experience, and the possibility that it could become the sole or primary aid provider in Gaza. We agree that delivering aid promptly and securely is crucial. However, GHF’s practices and finances require increased transparency and oversight to ensure aid reaches the intended beneficiaries effectively, safely, and in accordance with international standards.

On June 24, 2025, the Department of State (DOS) approved a $30 million grant for GHF. Jeremy Lewin, a current DOS official and former Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) employee, reportedly moved forward with the grant’s approval despite 58 internal objections that U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) staff experts wanted GHF to resolve before approving funding, and an assessment in a memorandum from an acting USAID official that GHF’s funding plan failed to meet required “minimum technical or budgetary standards.” As lawmakers entrusted with the authority to appropriate taxpayer funds, which were undoubtedly used for GHF’s grant, we find this troubling.

Moreover, GHF has not published a complete list of its sponsors. Registered in Delaware in February 2025, GHF also established an office in Geneva, Switzerland (which the Swiss government has since announced is to be dissolved) with the explicit intent of accommodating donors that “prefer to participate outside of the U.S. structure.” The foundation has publicly stated that it has received at least $119 million from “other government donors.” Furthermore, despite its public denial, the Israeli government has reportedly covertly contributed approximately $280 million USD to the new aid mechanism run by GHF. Full disclosure of GHF’s funding sources is imperative.

GHF runs four aid distribution sites in Gaza. It contracts two American private firms, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS) and UG Solutions (UGS), to provide security and logistics, with some pricing models reportedly provided by Boston Consulting Group consultants, who reportedly regularly met with Israeli officials in connection with the consultants’ role in helping develop ideas for GHF’s operations. None of the groups have prior humanitarian experience, nor does GHFExecutive Chairman Johnnie Moore, a close ally of President Trump. As a result, these distribution centers appear to operate at a reduced capacity at an exorbitant cost, significantly exceeding the current operating costs of experienced humanitarian organizations.

We are further alarmed at the widespread violence at GHF distribution centers. As of July 23, 2025, there have reportedly been at least 1,000 people killed while trying to access critical aid near GHF sites. Instead of using traditional aid distribution methods, based on internationally agreed-upon humanitarian principles, GHF provides food on a first-come, first-served basis. As a result, when centers open, large crowds of Palestinians rush to the centers. In these situations, there appear to be few restrictions on the use of lethal force by Israeli soldiers and American contractors in the vicinity. A former security contractor stated that he was instructed, “if you feel threatened, shoot – shoot to kill and ask questions later.” GHF centers offer desperately needed lifelines to those who receive aid without experiencing violence. However, the risk of violence, long wait times, and limited aid availability appear to force hundreds of thousands to choose between risking their lives or going without food.

The operations of the GHF sites are widely criticized by experienced humanitarian organizations as being inefficient and dangerous, and violating internationally agreed-upon humanitarian principles. Notably, GHF's inaugural Executive Director and former Marine, Jake Wood, resigned from the organization, citing that the organization no longer aligned with “humanitarian principles.”

Providing secure and efficient humanitarian assistance to Palestinians is not only a moral obligation—it is also vital to Israel’s long-term security and the safe return of Israeli hostages. Enhancing aid operations is essential to stabilizing the region and achieving lasting peace. To address our concerns, we respectfully request responses to the following questions no later than August 14th, 2025:

From which congressionally appropriated account does DOS’s $30 million grant for the GHF originate?
What specific oversight mechanisms are in place to ensure that the GHF operates in accordance with U.S. and international humanitarian law and humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality?
The DOS reportedly stated that GHF is subject to “rigorous oversight, including of GHF’s operations and finances.”
1. What is DOS’s role in monitoring the daily operations and financial practices of GHF, and what is the reporting mechanism?
2. Are the GHF and the private security contractors that it partners with to distribute assistance in compliance with U.S. standards (legal, regulatory, technical, budgetary, or otherwise) for humanitarian organizations?
The $30 million grant to GHF was approved despite 58 internal objections that USAID staff experts wanted GHF to resolve before approving funding, and an assessment in a memorandum from an acting USAID official that GHF’s funding plan failed to meet required ‘minimum technical or budgetary standards.’ What were the details of their objections or concerns, and why were they overridden?
What makes GHF more qualified than other humanitarian organizations with years of experience and the operational expertise needed to handle such a complex situation?
1. What makes the newly appointed Executive Chairman, Rev. Johnnie Moore Jr., a man with no prior humanitarian experience, but a close relationship with President Trump, the right person to lead GHF?
What steps is the U.S. government taking to address concerns about militarization at GHF’s aid sites, particularly regarding the involvement of U.S. private contractors and Israeli security forces?
Is there a formal agreement or memo of understanding between the U.S. and GHF that outlines the foundation’s operational guidelines, transparency, and accountability measures? If so, please provide a copy or summary of these terms.
Was the DOS involved in the decision-making processes that led to the establishment of only four aid distribution centers in Gaza to date? If so, please provide details of that communication.
GHF refuses to publish its sources of funding, including the $119 million it received from “other government donors.” What is the complete and most current list of GHF’s donors?
What are the details of the contracts between GHF, its contractors, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS), UGSolutions (UGS), and its aid providers?
1. What does GHF pay per diem for security and logistics to SRS and UGS?
2. Where does GHF source its aid packages from? How much does it pay for them?
Has the U.S. conducted any oversight or reviews of GHF’s operations in light of recent criticisms related to overcrowding, militarization, and security concerns? If so, what were the findings?
The Trump Administration is reportedly considering an additional $500 million grant to GHF using USAID funds. According to U.S. law, all NGO recipients of USAID grants are subject to a responsibility determination that certifies the NGO’s “necessary management competence…and that the applicant will practice mutually agreed upon methods of accountability for funds and other assets provided by USAID.”
1. Will this funding be approved?
2. If so, what account will this funding come from?
What steps will be taken to conduct the required “responsibility determination” certifying GHF’s competence and accountability?
What specific benefits has GHF’s aid distribution model or operations provided for U.S. and Israeli interests that the U.S. government assesses may justify some of the apparent drawbacks of the GHF model and operations?
Looking ahead, what information can the Administration share about the likely roles and potential roles of GHF and other humanitarian assistance providers in Gaza, respectively, under various scenarios (ceasefire, intensified conflict, post-conflict transition)?
1. What are the sources of this information?
2. What factors will the Administration use to determine whether and how to provide U.S. support to GHF and/or other providers, while actively monitoring their compliance with applicable legal and other standards?
How, if at all, will GHF coordinate with other humanitarian organizations already working in Gaza? Will GHF work within the already established coordinating mechanisms, and if so, how does it plan to do so?

Thank you for your attention to this critical matter.

Sincerely,

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